Dr. Arvind Poswal Hair Transplant

ousted NI NI sacred, PERÓN



Argentines are some teachers to mix everything, but even if this mix in our favor and that was more than demonstrated in the aftermath of the death of former President Nestor Kirchner.

one hand there is a universe of pain in a family that has lost a father, a husband, a son and that is where the right to privacy must draw a line of respect that should not be crossed.

But reverse the familiar pain should not be mixed with the human figure in a public used exacerbated by the official media soon after the fact.

Nestor Kirchner could have had their successes and also had their mistakes but that does not make him a saint or a demon. President Néstor Kirchner was one of profound change in Argentina's history but also of deep faults.
Also if it was one of the best governments since democracy returned, it is precisely because it has paid off debts with his people, but because everyone else was worse.

No one could solve the issue of poverty, no one could keep inflation at low levels, none could improve the quality of life of the average Argentine, but neither did Nestor Kirchner.

Moreover granted universal child allowance, grant pensions to many seniors who do not possess, I think employment plans as flipside, he and his friends shared the largest business in public works.

brought to the forefront of debate monopoly management information and the power of the Clarin group (who was an ally) and drive a media law that slept for years in Congress but tinged with suspicion by management glimpse into future state monopoly of information.

improved income level guild friends and gave them unlimited power to engage in extortion was once the prerogative only of the employers in business. Appeared outsourced and job insecurity of those not related to official views. The union bureaucracy became rich and powerful addition to dangerously influential.

Since 2001, Argentina's shattered economy grew, as did of Brazil, Chile and Uruguay, but in a totally different context. In Argentina the company was split to confrontation "but they are friends, are enemies" was the proposition in reference to government policies.

Argentina fell behind in comparison with neighboring countries. Nestor Kirchner
captured the amount of power in his party and no decisions will not pass through his hands, therefore he is to President Cristina Fernandez a legacy difficult to proceed with the pain of loss and filled kirchnerismo power-hungry leaders with more desire to take the place of the former president with deepening the model.

Leonardo Fernandez Acosta

Commentticket D'or Lpso

REMEMBER, THE KIRCHNER AND THE GAME OF DIFFERENCES


A 65-year October 17, the date on which it is recalled the popular movement that gave rise to Peronist Kirchner loyalty to the party proclamations again be questioned. "Inhabits the gene governing Peronist partner?

was loved and hated. The first worker, for some. A tyrant to others. Divided and polarized society like never before another leader. Charismatic military was so acclaimed that 17 October, the people were mobilized to demand his release as a gesture of genuine enchantment by the driver. This description is condensed in the name of Juan Domingo Peron. A 65 years

Loyalty Day, seeking to follow in his footsteps there. And in pre-election times, Peronism seems to not want to lose prominence in the political sphere. But how, really, behind him now? Does marriage Kirchner-Fernández a reflection of that doctrine which seeks both fly? Or is it, just, a weak shadow?

"Peronism is a particular phenomenon. You party, movement, doctrine, ideology and culture while, "said Rosendo Fraga, director of the Center for Union for the New Majority. By-case basis since 1989 has ruled 20 of the last 22 years showing a special ability to retain power.

The movement grew out of grassroots support and union nuclei. Machinery Peron organized a loyal to his figure, while the opposition divided. That force was the one who answered the call to demand their release spontaneous. From there, a few steps mediated to Perón reached the highest office after winning elections on February 24, 1946, with 55% of the vote compared to 45% of the rival Democratic Union. Once

come to power, his regime justified under three flags: economic independence, political sovereignty and social justice. Since its inception, won dislikes social strata better off and, eventually, managed to gain the of the Church.

But the role of Peron as the driver was undisputed. Besides the support of the Armed Forces, was a great display of association. However, times have changed. And some of your shadow seems to rise at present. "We are witnessing a process of political power vacuum," notes Jorge Castro, director of the Institute of Strategic Planning.

DNA Is

Peronist President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner Peronist faithful to the doctrine? Was her husband devoted to the ideals in origin? "There are factors typically Peronist Kirchner behavior but others do not are both, "says Sergio Berensztein, director of Poliarquía Consultants.

At first glance, appear to be three elements that marriage inherited from the Peronist K: how to think in terms of inward-looking with a strong intervention, the use of coalitions based on powerful social actors (although the stimulation of mobilization be articulated differently) and the unprecedented centralization of power, ie grabbing the executive branch as the anchor for the achievement of more of a personal nature. However, the differences are more abundant: the Peronist strategy was aimed at shaping the project "organized community." While Kirchner, meanwhile, display a short-term tactic. "While there may be some foundational ideas, no strategy demarcated and political construction is what makes the day to day," says Berensztein.

With other conditions, "we read that these are two different times and there is no possibility to compare Kirchner with Peron because their origins in different historical circumstances," says Castro. For instance, during the advent of Peronism, Argentina, which had just 14 million inhabitants and sought recovery from the great flick of 1930, was no longer the "breadbasket of the world" and bet on the import substitution industrialization. Today, however, the country witnessing a moment of post-crisis, with a population exceeding 40 million and a GDP of U.S. $ s 548,800 million, which ranked No. 24 in the world, according to the CIA WorldFactBook .

Kirchner had no organized party, much less mobilized unions and workers. "He told less powerful adversaries Peron when installed in government," said Ricardo Sidicaro, CONICET researcher and author of The Three Peronism, which deepens: "Perón believed in the creation of an 'organized community' which had to reconcile the interests of capital and labor so, achieved a certain level of wages and social integration, set out to win the support of entrepreneurship and attract foreign capital. " Kirchner, despite having reached the presidency with only 22% support, however, "had no major problems with economic interests, they were satisfied with the consequences of the devaluation that ended convertibility, complete the specialist.

However, the approach to relations with the political opposition created tensions to the extent that the government "seduced" leaders. Between 2003 and 2005, for instance, former President Patagonian focused on creating a way to "overcome" Peronism (the transversal), ie, a movement based on multiple supports but ended backed parties and provincial justice ists Peronist leaders of Buenos Aires. "The most visible was the heterogeneity of the support he got contradictory," summarizes Sidicaro. Perón

spontaneously convened and established a relationship with the mass. "In the version Kirchner, meanwhile, is a support apparatus, gestated by economic resources," sums Fraga. Kirchner also share the vision of a strategist on the importance of foreign policy and lack of charisma and devotion that fans had for the leader.

The recorded speech similarities and differences between the two movements. The former are present on issues of economic nationalism and the distribution of income. "The President has a more elaborate speech that former President Kirchner. There is a dialectical management and remarkable memory. Kirchner is flatter in their rhetoric," says Ricardo Rouvier, CEO of Ricardo Rouvier & Asociados. Peron was an excellent speaker, and his rhetoric oscillated between the statesman and the barricade. "In this latest speech is more like the former president," he adds. The three built an image of the enemy while referring changed: the people to Peron, the "we" Kirchner government and the first person in the course of his successor.

Kirchner's speech is at the last stage before the '76 and, unlike the orthodox Peronist mentions the class struggle. "In this sense, there is harmony between the kichnerismo and Campora, the trend of the '70s," says Rouvier. There is now a minor action to use phrases from the Peronist classical liturgy, however, "Kirchner hugged the flag of Human Rights, based on the repression of the military dictatorship," said Carlos Fara, director Carlos Fara & Associates.

Moreover, it is inevitable to focus on comparison of those who were, in turn, first ladies: Cristina Fernandez and Eva Duarte. The latter was a political phenomenon, but did not reach the presidency, "developed its own political thinking, in my opinion, Cristina does not have on her husband," says Fraga. Duarte managed a self Foundation (Eva Peron) with high waist policy, founding hospitals and establishing a popular neighborhood (Ciudad Evita, La Matanza). In addition, he promoted the opening of a branch feminist party in 1949. His main achievement was the establishment of women's suffrage struggle undertaken independently of her husband.


The movement today
"Perón galvanized society, Kirchner," reflects Berensztein. The vacuum of political power explains why the PJ, like the UCR, they disappeared from the scene with the 2001 crisis, in a process of total dismantling of political parties. So, since 2003, the system lost power and defined the orientation changes according to time.

There is no strategic line in the government, but "identification friend-enemy strategy that leads to polarization," summarizes Castro. "Peron was a flexible policy, which combined the carrot and stick according to circumstances while Kirchner appears to have only fit for the conflict and not for reconciliation, "says Fraga. Clarin and the countryside are just some examples.

In the past, exercised a role Peronism polarizer. During his first term, while the Peronist demanded social equality, opponents defending civil liberties. Today, the cleavage antikirchnerismo kirchnerismo-duality corresponds to a more ideological empty. The ruling party that recovers only he can govern and the opposition wants to take the reins of power to criticize the government. "Neither did get to convince the majority of citizens who are involved in a large historical-political choice, "says Sidicaro.

You might think that Peronism is not an ideology but rather a perception of political power or the reflection of a post-Peronist era, says Castro.

While Kirchner was identified as one of the many versions of Peronism, from the pragmatism of the political culture seems to fit some ideology. "The PJ has the ability to understand opposites, such as Kirchner and Reutemann, and the ability to rotate from right to left according to circumstances," he says Fraga.

There is not a Peronist, but several or, if to be devoted to version classical one, but too blurred.





Omer Freixa

Who Makes The Best Jigs

Many Flights Aerolineas Argentinas aircraft Few


The Granata at the airport with CARAD cu ...

More than seven hours had to wait at the international airport "El Pucu" of our city passengers were boarding the flight of Aerolíneas Argentinas to Buenos Aires. So much so people waiting at the airport Jorge Newbery in Buenos Aires to travel to Formosa.

This happened last Sunday and first the delay was due to a plane that had landed earlier, he punctured a wheel in the middle of the track preventing the landing of any aircraft. The flight to Formosa even took off from Buenos Aires.

But repairing the plane was delayed for about an hour and a half or two, but as Aerolineas Argentinas uses the same aircraft to make several flights within the country, to reschedule the service of Formosa in this case, was relegated to the availability of another plane, then obviously cover all flights to tourist sites, burdened by the long weekend.

This re-emphasized the lack of operational capacity of the single-company-operating in our city and the particular importance of providing input to other cabotage companies such as LanChile Aerochaco and operating this service.

Many were the complaints on Sunday, but few responsibilities of local staff at the airport. Is that these issues are handled at political levels, outside the airport counters, "The Puku", where poor workers stoically endured complaints can not solve anything.

The color note were the comments in the twitter of the multimedia Amalia Granata who was among the passengers suffered:

@ AMELIEGRANATA Formosa Airport in the delayed flight that weird? Aerolineas Argentinas !!!!!!!! Mismoooo always. After 9 hours of waiting I'm on the plane because the service Aerolineas Argentinas q gives the 4th people complained via the cellular network on the Internet. When you arrive in Buenos Aires I will have to operate to pump my ass face. "

Another famous who was also in the interminable wait was Facundo Saravia a little quieter than the rest of the passengers.

An End Week to forget for the occasional tourists who only rarely used Airlines service to or from Argentina to Buenos Aires, but a service that Formosa used daily for years and still no improvement.

What Does Perrier Water Do For Hair

Insfrán, the leader who has spent 15 years at the helm of Formosa

Marcelo Veneranda Posted
FORMOSA

special
.- It is the rubichá or Mburuvicha of Formosa, interpreters discuss Guarani. But no doubt who speak: Gildo Insfran is why the "big boss" and eternal governor of a province, with the arrival of kirchenrismo, was filled with work, pensions and public funds. Néstor Kirchner is not wrong, according to government supporters and opponents agree. Gildo, as everyone calls him, be his most loyal soldier to the end, as it was with all previous presidents.

"loyalty and discipline" is the formula adopted by the 15-year rule of Insfrán -22, if you count his two terms as lieutenant governor earlier. Is the scheme original Peronist, military, top-down, according to point the few gildistas who dared to speak to the NATION. Is the formula of "Paraguayan dictatorship, opponents complain. From the "Paraguayan culture, in any case", granted the former.

loyalty is addressed to the national government of the day, the only way of survival for a province that raises less than 5% of its budget, lacks a productive private sector, where almost two thirds of the labor force works for the state ( Formosa 70,000) or in the works to be financed by national funds.

governing discipline indoors, to the point that local government controls 70% of legislators and recognized as belonging to all the mayors of the interior. Justice is no stranger: no officials prosecuted.

wayward For the desert Insfrán's predecessor, Vicente Welcome Joga, is the only Peronist who dare to question publicly. PJ no longer belongs to the province. Joga shares with the other two concerning the opposition, Senator Luis Petcoff Naidenoff and Rep. Richard Buryaille, both from the UCR, the rare privilege of not appearing in official media.

The data is not trivial: in Formosa, on the fingers of one hand to count the independent media. Even the local branch of the state agency Telam, which employed a journalist critical was closed. The province, however, has two channels and financially supports two newspapers and over 60 private radio stations. At the request of the Governor, the Legislature recently approved in a single day, the creation of a public television system, Internet and telephony.

gildismo But the apparatus was not created in a day. Born in Laguna Blanca, against Paraguay, the veterinarian of 59 he entered politics in 1983 by the father and the brother of his wife, Teresa Baldus. "It was a humble boy, suffered, but brilliant," said National Deputy Juan Carlos Díaz Roig, one of the few officers who dared to speak without concessions. Another senior officials only agreed to talks in his van with tinted windows while driving.

"Manage"
A negative sign was the only response Insfrán the NATION. "Gildo not going to Buenos Aires to talk to the media: will manage," said one adviser, who said the governor is able to wait for hours in the offices of the Capital, provided that they are addressed. That is "managed" in Formosa, and only manages Insfrán Kirchner.

in Formosa in 1983 commanded the current lieutenant governor, Floro Eleuterio Bogado. Despite the unruly outbursts from his wife, the current Federal Senator Adriana Bortolozzi PJ, Bogart was defined by the same officers as the "Best vice in the world" for their "little appetite for power."

Bogart's successor, Vicente Joga (1987-1995), was the one who took the vicegobernación Insfrán. The pact was known to all that were to alternate in office. So Insfrán for governor came in 1995, with the help of a law of lemmas introduced in 1987 and has since become a guarantee of power for the PJ. The

Naidenoff and Buryaille reported and did not deny the ruling party, is standard in all the province's 37 mayors compete against other sublemas PJ-often their family members, and we all bring to Insfrán main theme.

But the break with Joga occurred before the 1999 election, when it was supposed to return to power. The episode is remembered by all: one of the judges of the Superior Court of Justice (TSJ), which responded to Joga Insfrán delayed the order to interpret the Constitution in their favor Provincial and allow you to be a candidate. The "solution" to the problem has not escaped the scandal: the judge was arrested by order of a provincial court of first instance, who accused him of "obstruction" to justice.

After the arrest, the Supreme Court adopted Insfrán reelection. Menem Court gave its approval to the decision: at that point, after having supported Antonio Cafiero in the inner against Carlos Menem, the governor had been listed in the column behind the Rioja. Insfrán would do the same, then the president Adolfo Rodriguez Saa, Eduardo Duhalde and Kirchner.

was, in fact, the first governor to support the Santa Cruz, even before Duhalde. Two days after taking office, Kirchner would return the gesture, signed the Covenant to Repair Historic Formosa, a province which, by the possibility of conflict with Paraguay, had been forgotten by the nation. That covenant is the basis of spectacular national cash flow bathes the province today (see separate article).

Since 2003, when it amended the Constitution provincial to allow indefinite re-election, Insfrán crushes his opponents in every election. And tightly aligned his troops. Despite the rebellions of Bortolozzi, no one is betting on a breakup with his vice. In fact, some think they see that, thanks to these transgressions, Insfrán already started to build a bridge to the dissident Peronist. To remain ruling in 2011, where a new "ruvichá" occupy the Casa Rosada. Gildo Insfran


Governor of Formosa

Profession: Veterinary
. Age: 59 years
. Party: Justicialista
. He entered politics in 1983, by the hand of the father and the brother of his wife, Teresa Baldus. Governs in the province without interruption for 15 years. The former governor Vicente Joga (1987-1995) was the one who took the vicegobernación Insfrán. In the province tells of a pact between Joga and Insfrán to alternate in their positions and to prolong their stay in power. So Insfrán for governor came in 1995, with the help of a law of lemmas introduced in 1987 which has since become a guarantee of power for the PJ. Now reports directly to Nestor Kirchner and depends on the transfer of the Casa Rosada.

Source: THE NATION
.